オセット語(イラン)とカラチャイ・バルカル語(テュルク)の言語接触で行き来した語

https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01451600/document

A. terms from the inanimate nature

i. The following Ossetic forms that have a clear Iranian origin are:

  • cægat ‘northern side of the mountain’
    (PIr. *čakāta-, Middle Persian cagād ‘peak, summit’, Sogdian ck”t ‘peak, forehead’) ~ çeget (Balk.) ‘north(ern) direction ’(borrowing from Balk. çeget would have yielded Oss. †cægæt).
  • awwon ‘darkness, cover’
    (*āwa-wahāna- ‘covering into/down’, cf. Persian bahāneh ‘pretext, cover’) ~ awana ‘contour, silhouette, outline’
  • dorbun (Karachay) ‘(bear) cave’, (Balk.) ‘cave, cavern’
    (lit. ‘stone-bottom’, from PIr. darwa9 ‘solid, hard (as wood)’, cf. Khotanese dūra- ‘hard’ and buna- ‘bottom’, cf. Pers. bon). The corresponding Oss. formation dorbun is not attested though, only its elements dor ‘stone’ and bun ‘bottom, floor’ are clearly Ossetic in origin.
    The reconstruction
    dárwa- would explain the vocalism in Ossetic (cf. Cheung 2002: 128 f.), and in Khotanese dūra-, cf. Emmerick (1989: 211). This thematized adjectival formation is a derivative of *dāru (gen. stem dru-) ‘wood’, Persian dār, etc. The cue for this connection has been taken from Maciuszak (2007: 205 f.). The additional cognate forms (Old Persian duruva- ‘secure, firm’, Avestan druua-, Sanskrit dhruvá- ‘healthy’ cited by her are, are unconnected though, as (also) shown by its morphological derivational process (in Sanskrit) and the semantic discrepancies.
  • sawædonæ ‘well’
    Iron. swadon (< pl./f. syāwā ‘black’ + dānā ‘river, waters’) ~(Balk.) şawdan ‘springs, well’. Etymologically speaking, Oss. sawædonæ literally means ‘black water(s)’, which could be calque on an earlier Karachay-Balkar *kara sū for ‘well, or spring’ ?

ii. On the other hand, Ossetic must have borrowed quite substantially from KarachayBalkar as well. The difficulty is that quite often the Karachay-Balkar forms are almost indistinguishable from their Turkic cognate correspondences. The following forms may derive from Karachay-Balkar due to its typical phonological features:

  • töppe ‘top, crown (of the head); peak; tuft’
    (< PT töppe, cf. OT töpi, Kumyk töbe, Turkish tepe) ~ Ossetic (Digoron) c’opp ‘pluck, wool’, Iron c’upp summit, peak’ (c- < ti)
  • kaya ‘rock, boulder’
    ( < PT *kaya, Turkish kaya etc.) ~ Ossetic (Digoron) k’æjæ, (Iron) k’æj ‘slate’ Evidently, the Ossetic form may also derive from another Turkic language. The Svanetic form k’a ‘slate’ however is rather a direct loanword from Iron Ossetic k’æj.
  • ırxı ‘stream, creek’
    (< OT arık ‘irrigation canal’, cf. Chagatay arığ, Turkish ark, etc.) ~ Ossetic (Dig.) ærxæ ‘gorge, dry riverbed’
  • tılpıw ‘vapour; air’ ~ tulfæ ‘vapour, steam’
    , see further below.

iii. The following forms may be wrongly analyzed or unrelated

  • k’oyldym / k’uldun ‘(mountain) slope, hill’
    unrelated to Karachay-Balkar küllüm ‘sun-kissed spot’ deriv. of kün ‘sun’).
  • (Iron) ran, (Digoron) rawæn ‘place’
    The cited Karachay-Bakar ran is only attested in the expression kaya-ran ‘rock ledge, a certain spot on the rock, rock terrace’, in fact it just reflects a compound with a-elision kaya aran (aran ‘valley, lowland’) > kaya ’ran. Karachay-Bakar ran is therefore an accidental form, being unrelated to Oss. ran.
  • k’æxæn ‘slope; cliff’
    The cited Karachay-Bakar parallel təxən ‘flat area on the rock’ was no longer incorporated in Abaev I: 631.

iv. The following forms may be borrowed from a third source, perhaps independently:

  • (æ)zme(n)sæ (Digoron) ‘sand’ (Iron yzmis) ~ (Balkar) üzmez ‘id.’
    The Balkar form does not conform to Turkic morphology, hence it might be a borrowing from Ossetic, although it has no further correspondences in Iranian or in the neighbouring Caucasian languages. An Iranian preform uz-maišā- ‘mixture, being mixed up’ (maiz- ‘to mix, mingle’) has often been suggested (cf. Abaev IV: 282), but this reconstruction is fraught with problems, both semantically and morphologically.
  • xuræ ‘gravel’ (Iron xwyr) ~ ? (Balkar) xuru ‘stony place, cobblestones’
    (no further documentation)
  • cuxcur ‘flowing water’ ~ çuçxur ‘water fall’
    ← South Caucasian / Kartvelian ?, cf. me-rčx-e ‘shallow (of water)’, rečx-/rčx- ‘to purl, babble, murmur’ (Klimov 1998: 119, 157).
  • typpyr / tuppur ‘bloated, fat’; [Digoron] hill’ ~ duppur ‘hill’
    with similar forms in Darginian dupur ‘mountain’, Persian topoli ‘fat’, derived from a Turkic formation with *töppe ?

v. A very recent, ephemeral borrowing is:

  • gæmæx ‘bare, with bare spots’ ~ Balkar form gǝmǝx ‘a spot covered by scarce vegetation’
    see above.

B. terms from the animate nature

i. Ossetic forms borrowed into Karachay-Balkar are:

  • bærz / bærzæ ‘birch’ ~ myrzy ‘id.’
    (< PIr. *barzā-, Skt. bhurjá- m. ‘Betula utilis’)
  • kærdæg ‘grass’
    (< PIr. *karta-ka- ‘cut’) ~ kırdık ‘id., greens’ (form contaminated with kırdış?)
  • xans (Digoron) ‘long, thick grass; tall weeds’
    (< PIr. *kāsa- ‘tall grass’, cf. Pers. kāh ‘straw’ (ºns from fans ‘wool’) ~ xans ‘grass’
  • fadawon (Digoron) ‘soft, dry grass (for decking)’
    (lit. ‘foot-covering’, with fad ‘foot’ < PIr. *pāda-) ~ (Balkar) fadawan ‘straw often used as padding in mountain shoes’
  • mulʒug (Iron mælʒyg) ‘ant’
    (< Iranian marwi- + -čī-ka-) ~ (Balkar) gumulcuk ‘id.’(with gu˚ from gubu). The Balkar form is evidently a borrowing from Digoron mulʒug. This Digoron formation shows an additional u-umlaut in comparison to the Iron correspondence.
  • sinʒæ (Iron synʒ) ‘thorn; blackthorn; splinter ~ (Balkar) şinji ‘spine, (plant) needle’,
    see below.
  • tæk’uzgæ Digoron ‘rowan (berry)’ ~ taqüzük (Abaev: tüqüzgü) ‘id.’
    The lack of vowel harmony and the velar q in front of ü of the Balkar form all point to borrowing from Digoron tæk’uzgæ, but the ultimate origin is unknown.

ii. Several Karachay-Balkar forms from the animate world have entered Ossetic, we may cite the following forms, which themselves may be borrowings from another language:

  • bittir ‘bat’ ~ bittir (Iron xælyn byttyr) ‘id.’, see below.
  • gabu ‘dandruff’, (Karachay) gıbı, (Balkar) gubu ‘spider’ ~ gæby, gæbu, gyby ‘mite’.
    The Ossetic forms appear to be borrowings from Karachay Balkar gabu, etc., which again may be an adaptation of a Kartvelian formation, notably from a Georgian dialect form, cf. Gurian ǯγiba- ‘tick’ (Klimov 1998: 100).
  • gılıw ‘foal; rat’ ~ gælæw ‘rat’
    According to Abaev Digoron gælæw is an “infantile deformation” of k’ælæw ‘foal’, which would be comparable to Kabardian qolow ‘piglet’, Georgian qoqo, Megrelian γoγo ‘calf of buffalo’. Rather than considering “infantile deformation”, Digoron gælæw may simply be a loanword from KarachayBalkar, as gılıw has retained the two meanings ‘foal; rat’. Of course, Karachay-Balkar gılıw may well be Caucasian in origin.
  • mıga ‘quail’ ~ mæga ‘snipe’
    The Balkar form may have been borrowed directly from Kartvelic, notably Georgian mcqer ̣ - ‘id.’. The Balkar form, which would have simplified the consonant cluster, may then have been borrowed into Ossetic, which shows a semantic shift.
  • pursa (Iron pysyra) ‘nettle, Urtica urens’ ~ mursa ~ ‘id.’, see below.

iii. The following forms have been borrowed from a third source, mostly independently. They consists mostly of terms from the local flora, which are often Caucasian:

  • æxsæli, æxsælæ, (Iron æxsæly) ‘juniper’ ~ (Balkar) şkeyli, şkildi ‘id.’
    ← South Caucasian?, cf. Georgian ašk’ili ‘wild rose’, Megrelian šker- ‘rhododendron’.
  • sk’eldu ‘cowberry’ ~ şkildi ‘juniper’
    (Tenišev 1989: 751 ‘можжевельник’), kızıl şkildi, (Karachay) kızıl işkildi ‘cowberry, Vaccinium vitis-idaea’, also dial. ışkıldı ?) ← a variant of the Caucasian ‘juniper’ forms (-di: unanalyzable suffix in both Ossetic and Karachay-Balkar). The Karachay-Balkar forms seem to be borrowings from an unattested Iron correspondence *(y)sk’ildy of Digoron sk’eldu.
  • cumæ, (Iron) cym ‘dogwood, Cornus’ ~ çum ‘id.’
    , cf. Lezgian čumal, Tabassaran
    čemel ‘id.’ (similar forms: Turkish çim ‘grass’)
  • ʒedyr, ʒeʒyr, ʒedyræg / ʒæduræ ‘blackberry’ ~ züdür ‘id.’
    ← a Caucasian language ?, perhaps to be analyzed as zǝ ‘red; blackberry’ (cf. Adyghe zǝ ‘red’ or Abkhaz Bzyp a-z ‘blackberry shrub, bush’, Chirikba 1996: 87), and dur ‘fruit’ ? (cf. Lezgian dur ‘dried fruit’, Ossetic dyrǧ ‘fruit’, loanword). Alternatively: from Finno-Ugric, according to Tenišev (1989: 807), apparently following Abaev I: 396.
  • ʒæbidyr / ʒæbodur, ʒæbedur ‘mountain goat, Capra caucasica’ ~ cuǧutur ‘id.’
    ←from a preform *ǯəγwətur, undoubtedly of Caucasian origin, probably WestCaucasian, cf. Adyghe šəquɫtər ‘id.’ (Apažev - Kokov: 576).
  • mæntæg / mæntæg, mont ‘burdock’ ~ mant ‘id.’
    ← Wanderwört ?, cf. Svan mant ‘id.’, Greek mínthē ‘mint’.
  • næzi (Iron) næzy ‘pine, Pinus sylvestris’ ~ (Balk.) nazı, (Karachay) nızı ‘fir’
    ←Kartvelic *naʒw ‘spruce, fir(-tree)’, cf. Georgian naʒv (but also as a regional Wanderwort in other Middle Eastern languages, cf. Persian nāz, nāžu, nājū ?)
  • murtgæ, murk’æ ‘Viburnum’ ~ (Karachay) murtxu
    from Kartvelic, cf. Georgian marcqṿ - ‘strawberry’.
  • mæra / mura, pura ‘hollow’ ~ pura ‘hollow, rotten (tree)’
    ← ?, cf. Chechen, Ingush mur ‘hollow tree’.
  • ninæǧ ‘raspberry, Rubus idaeus’ (Iron mænærǧ) ~ nanık ‘id.’
    ← ?
  • tægær ‘maple’ ~ tıgır, (Balk.) tıkır
    ← Caucasian, cf. Svan tek’er, tek’ra ‘maple’
  • turtu, (Iron) tyrty ‘barbarry, Berberis vulgaris’ ~ Karachay-Balkar türtü
    ← Wanderwort ?, cf. Lezgian turt ‘id.’, similar forms such as Persian tūt.
  • ug ‘owl’ (Iron wyg) ~ uku
    No doubt, these forms are onomatopoetic in origin, cf. Megrelian, Laz γu, Svan γu, etc. The Ossetic and Karachay-Balkar forms have probably been borrowed independently from each other, from another Caucasian language, if not a “spontaneous” expressive form.
  • gælæbo, gæbælo, (Iron) gælæbu ‘butterfly’ ~ (Karachay) göbelek ‘id.’
    Abaev also cites the Balkar forms gebelo, gelbo (< Digoron?), probably, ultimately, of Turkic origin (cf. Turkish kelebek). Almost all Turkic correspondences of kelebek have retained a final velar (with the exception of faraway Uyghur kepilε), and also the voiced velar g- needs an explanation.
  • mæga ‘snipe’ ~ (Balk.) mıga ‘quail’
    ← Kartvelic, cf. Georg. mcq̣ ẹ r- ‘quail’. A difficult to pronounce consonant cluster mcq̣ ̣ would obviously be simplified in both Ossetic and Karachay-Balkar: the assumed Kartvelic form from which they were borrowed is perhaps * mcq̣ ạ -. On final *–r in Proto-Kartvelic, cf. Klimov (1998: 317f.).

iv. Ephemeral are probably:

  • kældæ ‘dry wood, deadwood’ (Iron kældyn/m) ~ kıldı
    (not found in Tenišev and otherpublications): kıldı is rather an ad hoc borrowing from Digoron ? The Digoron form seems to be a lexicalized past participle of the verb kælun (Iron kælyn) ‘to spill, fall down’, which is of PIr. origin.
    Abaev also entertains the possibility of a connection with several European designations for ‘wood;log’, e.g. Greek kládos ‘branch’, Slavic *kòlda ‘block, log’ (Russian kolóda), Germanic (Old Icelandic) holt, German Holz ‘wood’.
  • ʒumarǧ, zumarǧ, (shortened) zum (Iron zym) ‘Caucasian snowcock, Tetraogallus caucasicus’
    (lit. ‘winter-bird’ < (thematized) Ir. zyama- ‘winter’ + mrga- ‘bird’) ~cumarık ‘id.’
    (not in other publications). Karachay-Balkar cumarık as a borrowing from Ossetic is not attested elsewhere.
  • kændys / kændus a slightly toxic plant ~ kündeş ‘id.’
  • qoppæg / qoppæǧ, qobæǧ ‘an edible lily’ ~ xömpek, xoppug ‘id.’

v. Totally unclear are the following cited forms, also on account of the unclear meaning (misinterpretation, misheard ?):

  • bynʒ / binʒæ ‘fly’ ~ didin ‘wasp’
    (not confirmed elsewhere, also not included in Abaev I: 280).
  • ʒægæræg ‘not fully bloomed flower’ ~ cıgıra, zıǧıra a kind of edible plant
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Pub: 19 Apr 2022 14:13 UTC

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